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After reading the document, answer the following questions synthetising the information contained in the text:
1. What was the point of setting up an Interdepartmental Committee in 1941?
2. How does Beveridge view social insurance provisions in Britain overall?
3. How does it compare with other countries?
4. What are the key principles (3 or more) that should preside over the reform of social insurance?

Beveridge Report on Social Insurance and Allied Services Report

by Sir William Beveridge

November 26, 1942

Presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty November 1942



The Inter¬departmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allied Services were appointed in June, 1941, by the Minister without Portfolio, then responsible for the consideration of reconstruction problems. The terms of reference required the Committee “to undertake, with special reference to the inter¬relation of the schemes, a survey of the existing national schemes of social insurance and allied services, including workmen’s compensation and to make recommendations.” The first duty of the Committee was to survey, the second to recommend. For the reasons stated below in paragraph 40 the duty of recommendation was confined later to the Chairman of the Committee.

The Committee’s Survey And Its Results
The schemes of social insurance and allied services which the Inter¬departmental Committee have been called on to survey have grown piece¬meal. Apart from the Poor Law, which dates from the time of Elizabeth, the schemes surveyed are the product of the last 45 years beginning with the Workmen’s Compensation Act, 1897. That Act, applying in the first instance to a limited number of occupations, was made general in 1906. Compulsory health insurance began in 1912. Unemployment insurance began for a few industries in 1912 and was made general in 1920. The first Pensions Act, giving noncontributory pensions subject to a means test at the age of 70, was passed in 1908. In 1925 came the Act which started contributory pensions for old age, for widows and for orphans. Unemployment insurance, after a troubled history, was put on a fresh basis by the Unemployment Act of 1934, which set up at the same time a new national service of Unemployment Assistance. Meantime, the local machinery for relief of destitution, after having been exhaustively examined by the Royal Commission of 1905-¬1909, has been changed both by the new treatment of unemployment and in many other ways, including a transfer of the responsibilities of the Boards of Guardians to Local Authorities. Separate provision for special types of disability — such as blindness¬ — has been made from time to time. Together with this growth of social insurance and impinging on it at many points have gone developments of medical treatment, particularly in hospitals and other institutions; developments of services devoted to the welfare of children, in school and before it; and a vast growth of voluntary provision for death and other contingencies, made by persons of the insured classes through Industrial Life Offices, Friendly Societies and Trade Unions.
1. In all this change and development, each problem has been dealt with separately with little or no reference to allied problems. The first task of the Committee has been to attempt for the first time a comprehensive survey of the whole field of social insurance and allied services to show just what provision is now made and how it is made for many different forms of need. The results of this survey are set out in Appendix B describing social insurance and the allied services as they exist today in Britain. The picture presented is impressive in two ways. First, it shows that provision for most of the many varieties of need through interruption of earnings and other causes that may arise in modern industrial communities has already been made in Britain on a scale not surpassed and hardly rivalled in any other country of the world. In one respect only of the first importance, namely limitation of medical service both in the range of treatment which is provided as of right and in respect of the classes of persons for whom it is provided, does Britain’s the classes of persons for whom it is provided, does Britain’s achievement fall seriously short of what has been accomplished elsewhere; it falls short also in its provision for cash benefit for maternity and funerals and through the defects of its system for workmen’s compensation. In all other fields British provision for security, in adequacy of amount and in comprehensiveness, will stand comparison with that of any other country; few countries will stand comparison with Britain. Second, social insurance and the allied services, as they exist today, are conducted by a complex of disconnected administrative organs, proceeding on different principles, doing invaluable service but at a cost in money and trouble and anomalous treatment of identical problems for which there is no justification. In a system of social security better on the whole than can be found in almost any other country there are serious deficiencies which call for remedy.
2. Thus limitation of compulsory insurance to persons under contract of service and below a certain remuneration if engaged on non¬manual work is a serious gap. Many persons working on their own account are poorer and more in need of State insurance than employees; the remuneration limit for nonmanual employees is arbitrary and takes no account of family responsibility. There is, again, no real difference between the income needs of persons who are sick and those who are unemployed, but they get different rates of benefit involving different contribution conditions and with | meaningless distinctions between persons of different ages. An adult insured man with a wife and two children receives 38 s. per week should he become unemployed ; if after some weeks of unemployment he becomes sick and not available for work, his insurance income falls to 18s.¬. On the other hand a youth of 17 obtains 9s.¬ when he is unemployed, but should he become sick his insurance income rises to 12 s.¬ per week. There are, to take another example, three different means tests for noncontributory pensions, for supplementary pensions and for public assistance, with a fourth test—for unemployment assistance— differing from that for supplementary pensions in some particulars.
3. Many other such examples could be given; they are the natural result of the way in which social security has grown in Britain. It is not open to question that, by closer co¬ordination, the existing social services could be made at once more beneficial and more intelligible to those whom they serve and more economical in their administration. […]
6. In proceeding from this first comprehensive survey of social insurance to the next task – of making recommendations – three guiding principles may be laid down at the outset.
7. The first principle is that any proposals for the future, while they should use to the full the experience gathered in the past, should not be restricted by consideration of sectional interests established in the obtaining of that experience. Now, when the war is abolishing landmarks of every kind, is the opportunity for using experience in a clear field. A revolutionary moment in the world’s history is a time for revolutions, not for patching.
8. The second principle is that organisation of social insurance should be treated as one part only of a comprehensive policy of social progress. Social insurance fully developed may provide income security; it is an attack upon Want. But Want is one only of five giants on the road of reconstruction and in some ways the easiest to attack. The others are Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness.
9. The third principle is that social security must be achieved by co-operation between the State and the individual. The State should offer security for service and contribution. The State in organising security should not stifle incentive, opportunity, responsibility; in establishing a national minimum, it should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual to provide more than that minimum for himself and his family.
10. The Plan for Social Security set out in this Report is built upon these principles. It uses experience but is not tied by experience. It is put forward as a limited contribution to a wider social policy, though as something that could be achieved now without waiting for the whole of that policy. It is, first and foremost, a plan of insurance – of giving in return for contributions benefits up to subsistence level, as of right and without means test, so that individuals may build freely upon it.

11. The work of the Inter-departmental Committee began with a reviews of existing schemes of social insurance and allied services. The Plan for Social Security, with which that work ends, starts from a diagnosis of want – of the circumstances in which, in the years just preceding the present war families and individuals in Britain might lack the means of healthy subsistence. During those years impartial scientific authorities made social surveys of the conditions of life in a number of principal towns in Britain, including London, Liverpool, Sheffield, Plymouth, Southampton, York and Bristol. They determined the proportions of the people in each town whose means were below the standard assumed to be necessary for subsistence, and they analysed the extent and causes of that deficiency. From each of these social surveys the same broad result emerges. Of all the want shown by the surveys, from three-quarters to five-sixths, according to the precise standard chosen for want, was due to interruption or loss of earning power. Practically the whole of the remaining one-quarter to one-sixth was due to failure to relate income during earning to the size of the family. These surveys were made before the introduction of supplementary pensions had reduced the amount of poverty amongst old persons. But this does not affect the main conclusion to be drawn from these surveys: abolition of want requires a double re-distribution of income, through social insurance and by family needs.
12. Abolition of want requires, first, improvement of State insurance that is to say provision against interruption and loss of earning power. All the principal causes of interruption or loss of earnings are now the subject of schemes of social insurance. If, in spite of these schemes, so many persons unemployed or sick or old or widowed are found to be without adequate income for subsistence according to the standards adopted in the social surveys, this means that the benefits amount to less than subsistence by those standards or do not last as long as the need, and that the assistance which supplements insurance is either insufficient in amount or available only on terms which make men unwilling to have recourse to it. None of the insurance benefits provided before the war were in fact designed with reference to the standards of the social surveys. Though unemployment benefit was not altogether out of relation to those standards, sickness and disablement benefit, old age pensions and widows’ pensions were far below them, while workmen’s compensation was below subsistence level for anyone who had family responsibilities or whose earnings in work were less than twice the amount needed for subsistence. To prevent interruption or destruction of earning power from leading to want, it is necessary to improve the present schemes of social insurance in three directions: by extension of scope to cover persons now excluded, by extension of purposes to cover risks now excluded, and by raising the rates of benefit.
13. Abolition of want requires, second, adjustment of incomes, in periods of earning as well as in interruption of earning, to family needs, that is to say, in one form or another it requires allowances for children. Without such allowances as part of benefit – or added to it, to make provision for large families, no social insurance against interruption of earnings can be adequate. But, if children’s allowances are given only when earnings are interrupted and are not given during earning also, two evils are unavoidable. First, a substantial measure of acute want will remain among the lower paid workers as the accompaniment of large families. Second, in all such cases, income will be greater during unemployment or other interruptions of work than during work.
14. By a double re-distribution of income through social insurance and children’s allowances, want, as defined in the social surveys, could have been abolished in Britain before the present war. As is shown in para. 445, the income available to the British people was ample for such a purpose. The Plan for Social Security set out in Part V of this Report takes abolition of want after this war as its aim. It includes as its main method compulsory social insurance, with national assistance and voluntary insurance as subsidiary, methods. It assumes allowances for dependent children, as part of its background. The plan assumes also establishment of comprehensive health and rehabilitation services and maintenance of employment, that is to say avoidance of mass unemployment, as necessary conditions of success in social insurance. These three measures – of children’s allowances, health and rehabilitation and maintenance of employment-are described as assumptions A,B and C of the plan ; they fall partly within and partly without the plan extending into other fields of social policy. They are discussed, not in the detailed exposition of the plan in Part V of the Report, but in Part VI, which is concerned with social security in relation to wider issues.
15. The plan is based on a diagnosis of want. It starts from facts, from the condition of the people as revealed by social surveys between the two wars. It takes account of two other facts about the British community, arising out of past movements of the birth rate and the death rate, which should dominate planning for its future; the main effects of these movements in determining the present and future of the British people are shown by Table XI in para. 234. The first of the two facts is the age constitution of the population, making it certain that persons past the age that is now regarded as the end of working life will be a much larger proportion of the whole community than at any time in the past. The second fact is the low reproduction rate of the British community today: unless this rate is raised very materially in the near future, a rapid and continuous decline of the population cannot be prevented. The first fact makes it necessary to seek ways of postponing the age of retirement from work rather than of hastening It. The second fact makes it imperative to give first place in social expenditure to the care of childhood and to the safeguarding of maternity.
16. The provision to be made for old age represents the largest and most growing element in any social insurance scheme. The problem of age is discussed accordingly in Part III of the Report as one of three special problems; the measures proposed for dealing with this problem are summarised in paras. 254-257. Briefly, the proposal is to introduce for all citizens adequate pensions without means test by stages over a transition period of twenty years, while providing immediate assistance pensions for persons requiring them. In adopting a transition period for pensions as of right, while meeting immediate needs subject to consideration of means, the Plan for Social Security in Britain follows the precedent of New Zealand. The final rate of pensions in New Zealand is higher than that proposed in this Plan, but is reached only after a transition period of twenty-eight years as compared with twenty years suggested here; after twenty years, the New Zealand rate is not very materially different from the basic rate proposed for Britain. The New Zealand pensions are not conditional upon retirement from work; for Britain it is proposed that they should be retirement pensions and that persons who continue at work and postpone retirement should be able to increase their pensions above the basic rate. The New Zealand scheme is less favourable than the plan for Britain in starting at a lower level; it is more favourable some other respects. Broadly the two schemes for two communities of the British race are plans on the same lines to solve the same problem of passage from pensions based on need to pensions paid as of right to all citizens in virtue of contribution.

Source: The Socialist Health Association Promoting health and well¬being through the application of socialist principles
Assignment - due for March 3rd

Macmillan has been discussing the effects of the social insurance scheme:
“Under the present arrangements the able-bodied unemployed are divided into two classes: (a) those who, as a result of their payments into the insurance fund, are entitled to a fixed rate of insurance benefit for a fixed period of time as of right, and (b) those who, having exhausted their legal claims upon the insurance fund are provided for in accordance with their family needs under the Unemployment Assistance Act.” (p. 326)
You will comment on the following excerpt, using your historical knowledge and particularly focusing on the following points: what kind of method does he advocate? what duty does he ascribe to the individual? to the community?

Harold Macmillan M.P., The Middle Way, London, 1938, pp. 330-334.

It is possible, therefore, to state with confidence that under the reconstructed economy a higher rate of benefit could be paid to the unemployed. The question then arises as to whether, if the benefits were raised to a level consistent with our ideas of the right of the citizen to minimum human needs, malingering would be encouraged.
The danger that workers might be tempted by a high rate of benefit to prefer benefit to wages is a real one, and we must not avoid discussing it because, at the first glance, it appears to be a harsh judgment. The fact is, of course, that the overwhelming majority of workers are pathetically anxious to obtain employment and would not be deterred from seeking it, however high the rate of benefit might be. This is not because of excessive virtue, but because most men naturally prefer useful work to meaningless idleness. Their sense of dignity makes them prefer to be useful creative citizens occupying their place in the social scheme of things on an equal footing with other men, rather than by unproductive dependants living a life devoid of constructive purpose. Very often the incidents that give rise to the view that men prefer benefit to wages arise not because benefit is too high, but because the wages are too low.
Nevertheless it is true that laziness exists, and that society has to protect itself against it. But it would be rather an excess of caution to penalize the great majority of workers in order to guard the Insurance Fund against a few. The right course is surely not to keep unemployment benefit so low as to run the risk of inflicting permanent physical injury upon dependent children, and thus visiting the sins of a small minority of fathers upon all the children of the unemployed, whether their parents be idle or industrious, but to find a method that would enable us to give rein to a more generous social impulse while taking precautions to guard against fraudulent imposition.
Can we devise such a method? There does seem to me to be much difficulty in discovering the key to the solution. Under the existing provisions, it should be remembered, and unemployed man must accept an offer of suitable employment. The danger is that some men may make no attempt to obtain employment of their own accord. The first step is obviously to put the Employment Exchanges in the position of being able to offer suitable employment. The same authority that distributes benefit should, as far as possible, be in a position to influence the distribution of work. There need be no interference with the methods that have been adopted by many business enterprises for the recruitment of labour. Many industrial undertakings keep careful record of the particular qualifications of their men, and it often happens that they know exactly which men they want for particular jobs. This method of recruitment need no be interfered with by a provision that the Employment Exchanges should be notified of all vacancies that occur. Not all the jobs are of such a special character as to require a particular class of person? Notification of all vacancies would put the Exchanges in a stronger position to avoid keeping the same men on their books for a long period. They could perhaps distribute the opportunities to work more evenly; that is to say, they would try to fit into a job the person who had had the longest spell of unemployment. This is being done today, but it could be done more effectively if all vacancies were notified, and it would have the result of keeping up the standards of skill and fitness of men who tend to become less fit for their work the longer they are idle. (…)
After a worker has exhausted the insurance benefit for which he has paid contribution and to which he is therefore entitled as of right, his only title to a claim upon the community for maintenance is that he is ready and willing to offer his labour in return for the commodities he must consume. The community, on the other hand, as the responsibility of providing him either with the opportunity to work or with maintenance while it is unable to do so. The individual citizen contracts, as it were, with society to fit himself into a scheme of social organisation. This, under modern conditions, necessarily divorces him from the opportunity of sustaining himself by his individual effort to exploit the resources of Nature. Since he has become part of a social or co-operative organism the initiative in directing his economic effort has largely passed from himself to the society of which he has become a member? It is the duty of society to maintain him, therefore, but it is also the duty of the individual to offer his labour power in return for that maintenance, to be utilised by society in any constructive tasks for which he is physically and mentally suited.
It follows from this that the recruitment of labour for public works should also be through the Labour Exchanges, and that the particular kind of public works carry out in any locality at any time should, as far as possible, be determined by the kind of labour available. We might usefully set up in the area covered by each Labour Exchange, or, in more congested areas, by a group of Labour Exchanges, advisory bodies, drawn from the local authorities, whose function would be to consider what employment might be offered to the particular types of labour available among the unemployed persons who had exhausted their insurance benefit. A great deal of useful work might be accomplished in the improvement of amenities, the tidying, cleaning, and beautifying of the localities, or the carrying-out of a number of socially useful tasks that would otherwise have been neglected.

Session 1 20/01 Introduction: Britain in 1918
> See Clarke, ch. 3 "The Man who Won the War"
Session 2 27/01 -3/02
 Method for writing a textual analysis or a reflective essay
The post-war political landscape: “The Strange Death of the Liberal Party”
> See Clarke, ch. 4 "Safety First"
Study : MacDonald's Speech, November 1924
Session 4 10/02 The post-war social and economic landscape (1926-1938)
> See Clarke, ch. 5 "Economic Blizzard"
Study: G. Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier, 1937
Session 5 10/02 The People’s War (1939-45)
Session 6 17/02 Labour in Power: the foundation of the Welfare State (1945-51)
Mid-Term Break
Session 7 03/03 – Foreign Affairs: Britain’s adjustment to the post-war international context (1945-73)
Mid-term paper (to be handed in)
Session 8 10/03 – “Never Had It So Good!”
Session 9 17/03 – Swinging Sixties: the Wilson Years (1964-70)
Session 10 24/03 – The Watershed: the crisis of the 1970s and Thatcherism I
7/04 No class
Session 11 14/04 - Old Conservatives, New Labour?
Session 12 21/04 Final exam

Peter Clarke, Hope and Glory. Britain 1900-2000, Penguin Books, 2004
Martin Pugh, State and Society, British Political and Social History, 1870-1992, Arnold, 1994.

COURSE AND READING ASSIGNMENTS – Every week you are to complement the course by reading the corresponding chapters in the reference books on the reading list. You will also be asked to deal with a specific question or a textual analysis. I strongly encourage you to hand in several papers over the course of the semester as a training and in order to balance a potential poor mark the day of the exam.
There are two compulsory papers: a mid-term paper (coef.1) and a final exam in class (coef. 2). The final mark includes extra papers and oral participation.
ATTENDANCE - As part as the course-based assessment you are to attend every class and every exam. On no circumstances should you be absent more than three times. In such a case, you would be considered as “DF” (“défaillant”). Medical certificates will not excuse an absence. If you should be absent the day of the exam, you would be considered “ABI” (“absence non justifiée”) and would have to take the June extra session. If you cannot meet these requirements, you have five weeks to enroll for the “contrôle dérogatoire”.

Doc 1 Leader's speech, London 1924 J. Ramsay MacDonald (Labour) Source
I. Contextualisation
1. Look up for the underlined terms in the text below.
2. Who was Ramsay MacDonald in 1924? When was the Labour Party created? Find about the immediate circumstances in which the speech was made.

II. Comprehension
After reading the text, answer the following questions by referring yourself to the relevant passage (s) in the text:
1. How does MacDonald account for the Labour Party’s success during the recent elections?
2. What does MacDonald take to be the main challenges of peacetime at home?
3. How does MacDonald intend to deal with the question of national security in the future?

§1.Last year, that optimistic prophet and calculator, Sir Sidney Webb, told you from this chair that by 1926 the Labour Party would have a majority and be in office. We cheered, but, I am sure, as we cheered; we doubted. Had he told you that he had made a calculation or had had a vision that within seven months of his addressing you your representatives in Parliament would form the Government, and that the next time you would be called together the Chairman’s address would be delivered by a Prime Minister and the front chairs on the platform occupied by heads of Departments your comments, I am sure, would have been of the nature of ‘Poor old Webb,’ and in the evening you would has filled your glasses to drink to his memory. And yet that apparently insane miracle has happened. As a matter of fact it was one of the most likely of things to follow an election whenever it came.

2.Mr. Baldwin precipitated the events by a miscalculation of the strength of his Party and of Protection, and dissolved Parliament. A hurried union of the divided Liberal force followed. Although we were the official Opposition at the time, throughout the critical part of the election the Press seemed to have conspired to say the very minimum about us. Our meetings were hardly reported. When the success of our campaign became disquieting and some notice had to be taken of us, you will remember that false reporting became the rule and forecasts of the most discouraging kind appeared from our constituencies. In spite of such a campaign, with all its loud speakers, lobster tin cans, and the mobilisation of all the humbug that could be brought together to deceive the electors, we won 47 seats, and brought our representation from 144 to 191, truly a satisfactory achievement gained almost exclusively owing to the confidence we had earned whilst acting as the responsible Opposition. There is some comfort in the assurance thus given to us that there is a fixed limit to the influence of tricky conspiracies and resourceful demagogues.
3.The Conservative Party was well under half the House of Commons; we came next with a clear lead over the Liberals. No coalition was possible; the Labour Party, if it thought it desirable to take office, must; under the circumstances, very soon have had a chance of taking office.
4.When the opportunity came, so far as I was concerned I never had a moment's hesitation as to what we should do. To have shirked responsibility would have been cowardly, and this country does not like cowards; it would have put us into a bad Parliamentary fix. Altogether it would have shown the spirit of shivering fear rather than that of trustful gallantry and the latter is the spirit of the Labour Party.

5.But there was another call also in the situation. We honestly believed that the country was in bad hands and that its policy was not well directed. Could we manage to do something to mould national policy in new shapes? Some things we should like to do we saw quite plainly we could not do, and in these we had to face boldly a little disappointment amongst our own people and a violent attack from the other parties. But, my friends, let there be no doubt about this. To ask a party to undergo the discipline and the loyalty of confessing that it has not been able to create or command the power and the conditions necessary for success on this great issue and on that, to get our rank and file to understand that the bigger and more enduring the structure the greater is the preparation required for laying its foundations and for beginning it, that, my friends, is essential to the gathering together of a movement that will not be blown hither and thither by every fair or troublesome wind.

6.Other things we thought we could do. We believed that the very fact of our existence would have an encouraging influence upon movements and political ideals similar to ours all over the world. We believed that we could make our country stand for something inspiring and attractive to the other nations. We had no hope of a new world created by magic. We had hope of the old world beginning to show a response to a new creative spirit. I think we have succeeded in that.
Some of our work had to be frankly patchwork. Problems like unemployment, an essential feature in the economic system and one that was aggravated by the political, financial and industrial disturbances of the war, and perhaps even more by the hot-headed follies of the peace, present an intricate system of adjustments that have to be dealt with in detail, involving labour, thought, experiment and change in supporting opinion.

7.For real constructive work practically no preparation had been made by our predecessors, whose assumption seemed to have been that, after a few years – I think they generally thought months – of relief work, conditions would become normal. Thus it was that relief work, which ought to be employed as a reserve by men striving to effect economic changes, was used by our opponents as a fund to be exhausted whilst they were whistling for the change of wind, and they did not get it. We came in when the reserve was getting pretty low down, and obviously whilst we turned to consider the best schemes for reconstruction we had to see to it that the relief work reserve was added to and used economically, whilst the Insurance Funds were better adapted to the needs of the unemployed. A cure for unemployment is not yet, but I can claim that no Government has done more than this, under such unprecedented conditions, to alleviate the hard lot of the victims of unemployment.

8.So with housing. Again we found a policy being pursued, the benefits of which directly affected only a stratum of our people either at the top of the wage-earning classes or even above that. To that we offer no opposition. None whatever. The professional man in a small way and the whole class of people with modestly good incomes have a right to be housed, but that alone leaves untouched the great mass of wage-earners whose incomes are low and intermittent. They had been left out of account because the problem of how to house them is by far and away the most difficult part of the housing shortage to solve. There again we have brought new ideas to our assistance, and not merely more money. A combination of capital and labour, an organisation of the whole trade for the service of the community, is the most promising industrial development that has taken place in recent years, under Government influence. I appeal to every section to make it a success. The machinery may have to be adjusted, adapted and re-adapted. Rome was not built in a day, as the homely proverb runs, but the possibilities and evolution of Mr. Wheatley’s expedient are unlimited.

9.In national finance we have been doing equally distinctive work. A Budget, which took 6d. off Income Tax and a 1d. off beer, was followed by one of ours which took 1¼d. off a pound of sugar and 3d. to 4d. off tea, and put £30,000,000 into the pockets of the consumers of the country, and whilst it did that it took other burdens off the backs of the middle classes. That is business, and the next Labour Budget will carry on this good work. That reflection is, perhaps, the real explanation of our present difficulties. A second Labour Budget would jeopardise the lives of the two other parties.
10.In a different field the Government has also been striving against very troublesome forces. When we took office I determined to take upon my own back a double burden, not that I was unmindful of the weakness of human flesh or ignorant of the weight and the worry I was taking upon myself, but I was convinced that if our country was to pull its full weight the authority of the Premiership would have to be cast into the same scale as that of the Foreign Secretaryship. So I made my will and took up my burdens, leaving one of those burdens, and that a very considerable one, on the capable shoulders of Mr. Clynes. The circumstances which called for this were exceptional; national interests asked for it, and we responded. What was the situation?

11.The world was steadily falling back into the old ruts of alliance and pact, and force and its organisation, without the nations being made fully aware of what was happening, were creeping back into the minds of statesmen as, the only bulwark upon which they could lean for security. We found waiting for us a draft Treaty of Mutual Guarantee, in some ways a great advance on what had none before, marked in several of its provisions by the hand of men who undoubtedly had laboured hard and sincerely for peace, but yet a great menace to the League of Nations, and essentially a war preparation document. By persistent propaganda and pressure the question of national security had become exclusively one of armed force. Young nations born in the war, old nations exhausted by the war, were beginning to look round and in the sky of each they saw a cloud of menace, set there mostly by their own hands.

12.Once international policy was determined by that psychology, then farewell to peace; then limitation of armaments is nothing but an easement of burdens of taxation, it is not a measure of peace. Peace is something different from a mere limitation in preparation for war. Peace is not an interlude of apparent quiet in a germinating war policy. Peace has its own natural policy and organisation, its own method of handling questions, its own mentality, its own standards of justice, of right and of wrong. We came in just at the moment when the future was being settled. In that future alone we shall be able to see with what measure of success our work has been attended. A good fight has been put up, but we must scrutinise with almost meticulous care every proposal that is being made lest the germs of the old-world minds of militarism cling to them, for these germs will destroy them if they are there. We are not to be rushed. This is a job which has to be done in an efficient and workmanlike way, and it has to be done bit by bit as the nations find increasing security in a ruling justice. Of this I am sure. The work of the Labour Dele¬gation at Geneva last month may give pride to all the men and women who, longing for the security of peace, have joined the Labour Party in search of it. Sometimes when I see the facts from the inside, I am never quite sure whether I should be indignant with the chicanery or wild with the ignorance of people who imagine that the war has left us in the position we were in before it broke out, and that all we have got to do is to wait for it to drift back into the old condition.

13. In all this unmaking and remaking of Europe - and, indeed, of the whole world - there is involved a disquieting upsetting of old trade conditions. To this natural dislocation has been added the purely gratuitous one of Reparations imposed in such ways as to show sublime ignorance of, the most elementary facts of economics. This error has been woven so closely into the peace settlement that no Government can, by employing the simple method of a pair of scissors, return to a sound position, either for itself or for the rest of the world. We were fortunate in that the Experts’ Report gave us an opportunity of creating a machinery of control which I hope will in the end bring us back to wisdom. But meantime we must pass through some troubled waters before we get out of our present conditions, which we inherited from the war and the peacemakers.

14.Our method of punishing Germany has, as a matter of simple fact contributed to her efficiency as a competitor, whilst it has weakened ourselves; and we must face for some time the pressure of Germany as an exporter. Our predecessors wasted valuable years after the armistice either in pursuing policies that were short-sighted or in doing nothing to direct our industry and to save our people. I know as a matter of fact that they were warned again and again by, friends both at home and abroad of what was coming, but all that happened was that the Tariff Reformer enjoyed some facilities to tinker with legislation. Mr. Baldwin with commendable courage - whatever the result may have been to his party - did produce his nostrum. It was no good. He said it was his only cure, but he has now dropped it. For ourselves we have asked the guidance of some of the most repre-sentative business men and workers - the two sides equally efficiently represented - and we shall be vigilant in protecting our interests.

15.The greatest danger to the industrial life of a nation is conservatism - the state of mind which has done far more damage to our agricultural interests than even the English climate - and with conservatism I put indolence, and the aim of Socialism is to get at the hearts of men, because we cannot survive unless we discover how to produce the willing worker and not merely the man who toils for reward. We have been too long thinking and speaking as though the spirit of artistic production was different in kind from the spirit required for manual production. Those of us who drank early from the refreshing springs which William Morris made to flow in a dull and deadening generation never held that heresy and never will. Men live by their generosities, by their loyalties; not by their interests, and their self-regarding impulses. And until somehow or other, by a change of heart and of condition, or both, we can put our industry on the footing of the willing gift of service, we shall have nothing but quarrels and the sacrifice of the common weal. It is the aim of getting our industry on that footing, that is the aim of the Socialist inspiration that gives us power in our Labour Movement.

16.For that reason I am no Communist. Pettifogging conspiracy, secret associations, backstair wire-pulling, mischievous stirring up of strife are neither in method nor in ideal the Socialism that has built up our Labour Party. They were detestable to our honoured founders like Hardie and Morris. They respected opinions with which they did not agree, but they kept them at arms’ length. When they had enemies they preferred to have them outside, rather than open the door to have them inside. Never was it more necessary for our Labour Movement to raise as its own flag the banner of democracy, of freedom, of progress by reason and of condemnation of tyranny by power. The war has threatened to make the world safe for dictatorships, for conspiracy, for mischief, for force coercing both the bodies and the minds of men. Unless we are prepared to engage upon a crusade against that, we had better put up our shutters and declare that we have wearied in well-doing. Communism, as we know it has nothing practical in common with us. It is a product of Czarism and war mentality, and as such we have nothing in common with it.

17.The only practical policy that could be adopted under these circumstances in order to try and bring peace on the one hand and create natural conditions of work on the other was to take Europe just as we found it with all its engagements and arrangements, and begin from what we found to straighten out point after point, one after another. That has been our aim. For instance, had Labour been at Paris, Reparations would have been very different from that they are, but the general agreement of the nations - Germany included - now is to accept the Experts’ Report and see how it is to work, watching its effects almost from day to day and being prepared by the systems of arbitration and checks provided by the London Conference and the Report itself, to adjust expectations to facts. It is very sad that you have got to teach leading statesmen theoretical economics through the pockets of other people. I wish it were their own pockets that were bearing the financial consequences of their mistakes and blunders that you unfortunately are bearing. Against one thing I would warn the Movement. The German employers are using the fact that these Reparations have to be paid as a reason for reducing the wages, increasing the hours, and intensifying the slavery of the German workers. Whatever may be the ill effects of the Experts’ Report, that is certainly not one of them, and I hope that the Labour Movement in this and in other countries will not be induced to fall into the trap thus laid for them and lend their countenance to one of the ordinary excuses which capitalism is always seeking to increase its grip on the lives of the workers.

18.The whole Trade Union Movement of the World is morally bound to support German Trade Unions struggling to recover lost ground, for so long as the deterioration in social conditions in Germany which followed the Micum Agreement and the occupation of the Ruhr in particular lasts, low industrial standards will be a common menace not only to the political tranquillity of Central Europe, but to the standards of life of every competing country. So far as I know, every International Labour Organisation has passed resolutions asking for a trial to be given to the Experts’ Report, and that has been the attitude of the Labour Government in this country.

19.In pursuance of the Government’s policy of pacification, we recognised the Government of Russia because it is the Government of Russia, for exactly the same reason that Christian Foreign Secretaries have recognised Mohammedans and people whose religious persuasions were of somewhat more doubtful quality even than that. If my colleagues and my friends are to be accused of being Bolsheviks because we recognised Russia, of what an infinity of crimes and misdemeanours is my predecessor in office - the pre-eminently respectable Marquis Curzon - to be accused for having come to an agreement with Turkey. Immediately after the recognition of the Russian Government we proceeded to negotiate Treaties which would regularise our relations. The results are before the country now, and, as there was ample evidence whilst the negotiations were still proceeding, there are interests in the country prepared in the most bitter way to sacrifice every national concern for themselves.

Doc 2 George ORWELL, The Road to Wigan Pier, London, 1937, PART 1.5.

I. After reading the text below, answer the following questions:
- What is referred to as “the dole” (§1-2)?
- Explain why would Sheffield be doing well “because of wars and rumours of war” (§2)?
- What system is denounced by Orwell in the second part of the text?

II. Write and introduction to this text, including the nature, the context and the aim of the document

III. Suggest an outline for writing a historical discussion of the text

§1. When you see the unemployment figures quoted at two millions, it is fatally easy to take this as meaning that two million people are out of work and the rest of the population is comparatively comfortable. I admit that till recently I was in the habit of doing so myself. I used to calculate that if you put the registered unemployed at round about two millions and threw in the destitute and those who for one reason and another were not registered, you might take the number of underfed people in England (for everyone on the dole or thereabouts is underfed) as being, at the very most, five millions. (…)

2. Take the figures for Wigan, which is typical enough of the industrial and mining districts. The number of insured workers is round about 36,000 (26,000 men and 10,000 women). Of these, the number unemployed at the beginning of 1936 was about 10,000. But this was in winter when the mines are working full time; in summer it would probably be 12,000. Multiply by three, as above, and you get 30,000 or 36,000. The total population of Wigan is a little under 87,000; so that at any moment more than one person in three out of the whole population --not merely the registered workers-- is either drawing or living on the dole. Those ten or twelve thousand unemployed contain a steady core of from four to five thousand miners who have been continuously unemployed for the past seven years. And Wigan is not especially badly off as industrial towns go. 'Even in Sheffield, which has been doing well for the last year or so because of wars and rumours of war, the proportion of unemployment is about the same --one in three of registered workers unemployed. When a man is first unemployed, until his insurance stamps are exhausted, he draws 'full benefit', of which the rates are as follows: per week
Single man 17s.
Wife 9s.
Each child below 14 3s.

3. Thus in a typical family of parents and three children of whom one was over fourteen, the total income would be 32s. per week, plus anything that might be earned by the eldest child. When a man's stamps are exhausted, before being turned over to the P.A.C. (Public Assistance Committee), he receives twenty-six weeks' 'transitional benefit' from the U.A.B. (Unemployment Assistance Board), the rates being as follows: per week
Single man 15s.
Man and wife 24s.
Children 14-18 6s.
Children 11-14 4s. 6d.
Children 8-11 4s.
Children 5-8 3s. 6d.
Children 3-5 3s. 30

4. Thus on the U.A.B. the income of the typical family of five persons would be 37s. 6d. a week if no child was in work. When a man is on the U.A.B. a quarter of his dole is regarded as rent, with a minimum of 7s. 6d. a week. If the rent he is paying is more than a quarter of his dole he receives an extra allowance, but if it is less than 7s. 6d., a corresponding amount is deducted. Payments on the P.A.C. theoretically comes out of the local rates, but are backed by a central fund. The rates of benefit are: per week
Single man 12s. 6d.
Man and wife 23s.
Eldest child 4s.
Any other child 3s.

5. Being at the discretion of the local bodies these rates vary slightly, and a single man may or may not get an extra 2s. 6d. weekly, bringing his benefit up to 15s. As on the U.A.B., a quarter of a married man's dole is regarded as rent. Thus in the typical family considered above the total income would be 33s. a week, a quarter of this being regarded as rent. In addition, in most districts a coal allowance of 1s. 6d. a week (1s. 6d. is equivalent to about a hundredweight of coal) is granted for six weeks before and six weeks after Christmas.

6. It will be seen that the income of a family on the dole normally averages round about thirty shillings a week. One can write at least a quarter of this off as rent, which is to say that the average person, child or adult, has got to be fed, clothed, warmed, and otherwise cared-for for six or seven shillings a week. Enormous groups of people, probably at least a third of the whole population of the industrial areas, are living at this level. The Means Test is very strictly enforced, and you are liable to be refused relief at the slightest hint that you are getting money from another source. Dock-labourers, for instance, who are generally hired by the half-day, have to sign on at a Labour Exchange twice daily; if they fail to do so it is assumed that they have been working and their dole is reduced correspondingly. I have seen cases of evasion of the Means Test, but I should say that in the industrial towns, where there is still a certain amount of communal life and everyone has neighbours who know him, it is much harder than it would be in London. The usual method is for a young man who is actually living with his parents to get an accommodation address, so that supposedly he has a separate establishment and draws a separate allowance. But there is much spying and tale-bearing. One man I knew, for instance, was seen feeding his neighbour's chickens while the neighbour was away. It was reported to the authorities that he 'had a job feeding chickens' and he had great difficulty in refuting this. The favourite joke in Wigan was about a man who was refused relief on the ground that he 'had a job carting firewood'. He had been seen, it was said, carting firewood at night. He had to explain that he was not carting firewood but doing a moonlight flit. The 'firewood' was his furniture. The most cruel and evil effect of the Means Test is the way in which it breaks up families. Old people, sometimes bedridden, are driven out of their homes by it. An old age pensioner, for instance, if a widower, would normally live with one or other of his children; his weekly ten shillings goes towards the household expenses, and probably he is not badly cared for. Under the Means Test, however, he counts as a 'lodger' and if he stays at home his children's dole will be docked. So, perhaps at seventy or seventy-five years of age, he has to turn out into lodgings, handing his pension over to the lodging-house keeper and existing on the verge of starvation. I have seen several cases of this myself. It is happening all over England at this moment, thanks to the Means Test.


CV101 Homework session 2
Read « Independence could revitalise Scotland – and England too” and “The Welcome Return of the Union Jack” (you will find the them in the Identity issues section). After reading the texts, answer the following questions in your own words. You should answer the questions on a separate sheet of paper.
A. « Independence could revitalise Scotland – and England too”
1. Give the date and source of the document
2. Summarise the journalist’s main idea
3. Make a list of the main arguments in favour of the Scottish independence
4. What according to the journalist is the main obstacle to it?

To prepare session 3
Read the Leading article : “The Welcome Return of the Union Jack”
1. Date/source of the document?
2. Look up for Gordon Brown and for Alex Salmond on the Internet. Who are they?
3. What has been the impact of the Olympic Games on the flag as a symbol?

CV101 To prepare session 4
A. Read about nationalism and minorities in the UK in J. Oakland, An Introduction to British Civilization.
B. Find some recent demographic data by religious and ethnic minority in the 2011 census (recensement).
C. Read the article "The World Comes to London", p. 22 in your textbook and answer the following questions on a separate sheet of paper :
1. How has net immigration evolved over the past decades?
2. How can you account for the massive immigration in the last 20 years?
3. What have been the main effects of immigration on Britain?
4. How does The Economist view immigration overall?

To prepare session 5
A. Read about multiculturalism in the UK in Oakland
B. Read the article “France’s style of rioting is a very suburban affair” (p. 24, 1st text). Answer the following questions on a separate sheet of paper:
1. Find about the Brixton riots.
2. Compare the Brixton riots and the 2005 Paris riots. Find information in the text.
3. What do you learn about town planning (urbanism) in the UK and town planning in France (Paris mainly)?
C. Read the article “Urban Riots” (p. 24 bis). Answer the following questions.
1. What are the common points between the 1981 riots and the 2011 riots?
2. What has changed since 1981?

CV101 To prepare session 5
A. Look up for Brixton, Toxteth, Tottenham, Hackney on
B. Read the article “France’s style of rioting is a very suburban affair” (p. 24, 1st text). Answer the following questions:
1. Find about the Brixton riots (1981)
2. Compare the Brixton riots and the 2005 Paris riots. Find information in the text.
3. What do you learn about town planning (urbanism) in the UK and town planning in France (Paris mainly)?
C. After reading the text "Urban Riots : Thirthy Years after Brixton" (p. 24 bis), answer the following questions:
1. What are the common points between the 1981 riots and the 2011 riots?
2. What has changed since 1981?
3. Synthesis : what is the journalist's point ?

CV101 To prepare session 7
Read "A Revolution Postponed", p.52 on the Monarchy. Answer the following questions:
1. When was the article published? Find the date thanks to indications in the text .
2. What other institution does the journalist compare the monarchy with? (§2)
3. How does the journalist account for the British monarchy's continued existence in the 21st century (three main reasons given)?
4. What is the main question raised by the journalist? What is the journalist's main idea (30 words approx.)?

Course outline and reading assignments

The textbook is available from the English Department Website. You will be given a paper version in class.

Session 1 – Introduction to the course : England in 1534. The political and religious background
 Read Smith “Prologue”; read textbook pp. 6-11
 List lay criticisms of the Church

Session 2 – Introduction II : Reformation in England
 Read Smith (ch.1 & 2); pp. 12-24
 Study The First Act of Supremacy (1534) focusing on the notion of supremacy : How is it defined?
What kind of legitimation is sought in this act? What role is given to Parliament?

Session 3 – Henry VIII (1509-1547) & the Breach with Rome
 Read Smith ch. 8 & 10; textbook pp. 25-34
 Study Mary’s Act of Repeal (1554) focusing on : Mary’s aim and posture; the tone of the document

Session 4 - Edward VI (1547-1553) and Mary Tudor (1553-1558) : the uncertainties of Reformation in Tudor EnglandSynthesis :
Synthesis : To what extent can we say the Church was reformed in 1547?
 Read Foster “An Elizabethan Church Legacy?”; textbook pp. 35-38
 Study The Act of Uniformity (1559) focusing on: the aim of the act; the notions of unity, of uniformity. How is the act supposed to be enforced?

Session 5 - Elizabeth I (1558- 1603) (I) : the ‘Elizabethan Settlement’
 Read textbook pp. 39-49
 Synthesis on Elizabeth and the Tudors : Religious concord in Elizabethan England

Session 6 - Elizabeth I (II) : Unity and dissent in Elizabethan England
 Revise the Tudors

Session 7 - Mid-term exam : textual analysis on the Tudors
 Read textbook pp. 50-57
 Study James I on monarchy : What images does James I use to evoke the function of “king”? What impact do they have? What fundamental distinction does he make in defining the role of kings? What is his definition of a tyrant?

Session 8 – The reign of James I of England/ James VI of Scotland (1603- 1625) and the divine right of kings
+ Correction of the mid-term exam
 Read textbook pp. 58-66
 Study The Petition of Right (1628) p. 58 : Who are the petitioners? What is the king accused of? List the historical references you have in the text. What purpose do they serve?

Session 9 – Charles I (1625-1649) and laudism
 Read Textbook pp. 67-82
 Study The Root and Branch Petition (1640) p. 67 : What is referred to as “roots and branches”? What are the petitioners’ claims?

Session 10 – The Civil Wars
 Read textbook pp. 83-94

Session 11 – The regicide and the Interregnum (1649-1660)
 Revise the Tudors and the Stuarts up to 1649

Session 12 – Final exam : textual analysis or reflective paper on the Tudors and the first Stuarts (1534-1649)

Session 13 – The Restoration and the Glorious Revolution
+ Correction final paper


PART I POLITICAL REVOLUTIONS IN BRITAIN AND IN EUROPE – chronological framework / key changes in politics

Séance 1- 1753-1775
 A reminder of the Glorious revolution & the rise of parliamentary monarchy
- The rise of the party system/ Walpole & robinocracy; the rotten boroughs
- The call for radical reform of the system : John Wilkes
- George III
- Method
o Read W. Bagehot; study Romilly on the Sale of Seats (rotten boroughs) : Find about the author. What is the nature of the document? What kind of tone is used in the text? What kind of system is Romilly describing? What is his aim in describing it? Make an organised commentary out of these remarks.

Séance 2 – 1775-1815 (1)
- The American War of Independence
- TD Romilly
o E. Burke Reflections on the Revolution in France, 1790 : find about Edmund Burke. In what circumstances did he write this text? Who is he referring to when using the pronoun “we” (and adjective “our”) and when using the possessive “your” (l. 75)? what effect does it have? Comment on line 41-43. What difference does he make between the notions of “improvement” (l.14, 26) and “innovation” (l.10)? What key values does he ascribe to the British Constitution?

Séance 3 – 1775-1815 (2)
- The French Revolution and its impact in Britain
- The Napoleonic or French Wars
- TD Burke
o T.B. Macaulay – Reform Debate Speech, 1831

Séance 4 – 1815-1851
- The Radical movement : Chartism
- The 1832 electoral reform
- TD Macaulay
o The Chartist Riots – The Times


Séance 5- The Industrial revolutionS
- TD The Chartist Riots
- Chronology
- Sectors of expansion

Séance 6 – Cause or consequence? The rise of the British Empire
- The conquest of India and the African colonies
- Political organisation
- The age of Free Trade

Séance 7 – Mid-term exam (19-20/11)

Séance 8 -- The impact of industrialisation (1)
- The urban development & the transformation of landscape: London & other cities
o Study F. Engels on Manchester

Séance 9 – The impact of industrialisation (2) : the discourse on poverty
- Philantropy
- Self Help
- The emergence of class consciousness; Marx and Engels
- The political organisation of the working class/ trade unionism
- Women and child labour

Correction of the exam
o Read Samuel Smiles – Self-Help ; Marx - Capital
o Study Women in the Pits

Séance 10 – The impact of industrialisation (3) : Art in the industrial age


Séance 11 - The religious landscape of Britain
- The End of Nonconformist and Catholic discrimination

Séance 12 – Final exam

Séance 13 – Scientific and artistic life
- Darwinism
- Palladianism
- Romanticism & the gothic – Burke’s Essay on the Origin of the Idea of the Sublime
- The Preraphaelite Brotherhood

Correction of the final exam

Edmund BURKE, Reflections on the Revolution in France, 1790. > for questions see outline (session 2)

"You will observe that from Magna Charta to the Declaration of Right it has been the uniform policy of our constitution to claim and assert our liberties as an entailed inheritance derived to us from our forefathers, and to be transmitted to our posterity — as an estate specially belonging to the people of this kingdom, without any reference whatever to any other more general or prior right. By this means our constitution preserves a unity in so great a diversity of its parts. We have an inheritable crown, an inheritable peerage, and a House of Commons and a people inheriting privileges, franchises, and liberties from a long line of ancestors.
This policy appears to me to be the result of profound reflection, or rather the happy effect of following nature, which is wisdom without reflection, and above it. A spirit of innovation is generally the result of a selfish temper and confined views. People will not look forward to posterity, who never look backward to their ancestors. Besides, the people of England well know that the idea of inheritance furnishes a sure principle of conservation and a sure principle of transmission, without at all excluding a principle of improvement. It leaves acquisition free, but it secures what it acquires. Whatever advantages are obtained by a state proceeding on these maxims are locked fast as in a sort of family settlement, grasped as in a kind of mortmain forever. By a constitutional policy, working after the pattern of nature, we receive, we hold, we transmit our government and our privileges in the same manner in which we enjoy and transmit our property and our lives. The institutions of policy, the goods of fortune, the gifts of providence are handed down to us, and from us, in the same course and order. Our political system is placed in a just correspondence and symmetry with the order of the world and with the mode of existence decreed to a permanent body composed of transitory parts, wherein, by the disposition of a stupendous wisdom, molding together the great mysterious incorporation of the human race, the whole, at one time, is never old or middle-aged or young, but, in a condition of unchangeable constancy, moves on through the varied tenor of perpetual decay, fall, renovation, and progression. Thus, by preserving the method of nature in the conduct of the state, in what we improve we are never wholly new; in what we retain we are never wholly obsolete. By adhering in this manner and on those principles to our forefathers, we are guided not by the superstition of antiquarians, but by the spirit of philosophic analogy. In this choice of inheritance we have given to our frame of polity the image of a relation in blood, binding up the constitution of our country with our dearest domestic ties, adopting our fundamental laws into the bosom of our family affections, keeping inseparable and cherishing with the warmth of all their combined and mutually reflected charities our state, our hearths, our sepulchres, and our altars.
Through the same plan of a conformity to nature in our artificial institutions, and by calling in the aid of her unerring and powerful instincts to fortify the fallible and feeble contrivances of our reason, we have derived several other, and those no small, benefits from considering our liberties in the light of an inheritance. Always acting as if in the presence of canonized forefathers, the spirit of freedom, leading in itself to misrule and excess, is tempered with an awful gravity. This idea of a liberal descent inspires us with a sense of habitual native dignity which prevents that upstart insolence almost inevitably adhering to and disgracing those who are the first acquirers of any distinction. By this means our liberty becomes a noble freedom.
It carries an imposing and majestic aspect. It has a pedigree and illustrating ancestors. It has its bearings and its ensigns armorial. It has its gallery of portraits, its monumental inscriptions, its records, evidences, and titles. We procure reverence to our civil institutions on the principle upon which nature teaches us to revere individual men: on account of their age and on account of those from whom they are descended. All your sophisters cannot produce anything better adapted to preserve a rational and manly freedom than the course that we have pursued, who have chosen our nature rather than our speculations, our breasts rather than our inventions, for the great conservatories and magazines of our rights and privileges."
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